It has been angered by his implied threat of punitive action.
The problem with Pakistan's foreign policy Diplomatic pressure continues to build on Pakistan from the West and China to dismantle anti-India militant groups. Two years later, at a Chinese diplomatic reception in Islamabad, Akram Zaki, the secretary-general of Pakistan's ministry of foreign affairs, half-jokingly told me: Ironically, two of the three army colonels of the task force subsequently spent a great deal of time cleaning up the mess caused by their superiors' decision to ignore their advice.
Sufficient evidence to identify university attackers One was Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, whose double-stint as Pakistan's army chief A review of pakistans foreign policy staff was largely spent fighting the militant insurgents of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan TTP. The other was Tariq Majeed, who rose to the position of chairman of the joint chiefs of staff.
Turning the tide Kayani's successor, General Raheel Sharif, has turned the tide against the TTP, but like his predecessors, has not acted decisively against the Kashmir-focused militant groups that are the single-largest hurdle to a cordial relationship between Pakistan and India.
Privately, he has asked the global powers to allow him to disassemble Pakistan's militant world one layer at a time, like a rotting onion.
ISIL's grand plan in Asia His request for good faith, in turn, had a great deal to do with India's decision in December to diplomatically re-engage with Pakistan for the first time since terrorists of the Lashkar-e-Taiba group otherwise known as Jama'at-ud-Da'wah massacred people in Mumbai in November Diplomatic pressure continues to build on Pakistan from the West and China, its closest ally, to dismantle anti-India militant groups.
That good faith was almost immediately tested by a January 2 terrorist attack on an airbase in the northwest Indian town of Pathankot, which India quickly and pointedly blamed on Jaish-e-Mohammed, another Pakistan-based terrorist group.
However, Pakistan's investigation has since failed to find any evidence of the involvement the group or its leader Masood Azharinfamous for being freed from an Indian jail in Decemberin exchange for hostages on board a hijacked Indian airliner diverted to Kandahar in Taliban-ruled Afghanistan.
Painful memories of the Mumbai massacre have also been revived by the testimony David Coleman HeadleyLashkar-e-Taiba scout turned state witness, to an Indian court this week.
Against that backdrop, it is uncertain whether India will proceed with the diplomatic process kick-started in December. Foreign secretary talks with Pakistan were to have been held in January, but were postponed by India as it awaited the outcome of Pakistan's investigation of Azhar, who was detained shortly after the Pathankot incident.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalist government has not yet reacted to Pakistan's inability to find evidence against the Jaish-e-Mohammed chief; it is probably awaiting the outcome of investigations into other leads.
That also has a bearing on Pakistan's leading role in the four-country talks being held to arrange resumed direct talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government, expected by the end of February. In both cases, a successful outcome would go a long way towards securing Pakistan's vulnerable borders with Afghanistan and India.
That raises the question: Afghanistan and the Taliban need Pakistan for peace Certainly, a major consideration is Pakistan's need to maintain a split between pro- and anti-state militant factions. When military ruler General Pervez Musharraf ordered the disbandment of Kashmir Jihad Council, a coalition of such factions and jailed their leaders inmany of their key commanders fled and joined the ranks of al-Qaeda.
Understandably, they were angry at being betrayed by Musharraf, who had used them to occupy Indian military positions high in the Karakorum Mountains, sparking the Kargil War.
Azhar inferred that could happen again in an article he wrote for the Peshawar-based al-Qalam jihadist publication, published on January Echoing opinions that Kashmir-focused militants have often made, the head of ISIL's regional Khorasan governorate, Saeed Khan Orakzairecently dismissed Pakistan's Kashmir policy as duplicitous and said the terrorist group would target the likes of Lashkar-e-Taiba.
Indeed, the Pakistani authorities in December revealed that a group of Lashkar members based in the eastern city of Sialkot, had switched allegiance to ISIL and were arrested for running a training camp alarmingly close to the nearby Indian border.
However, the biggest factor, by far, is plain indecision. The government's narrative changed hugely after the December massacre of schoolchildren in Peshawar, but its propaganda against the TTP has been characterised as an Indian conspiracy, rather than as a soul-searching exorcism of jihadism from its body politic.
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Zaki would probably say that's because Pakistan still hasn't got a map for the minefield created by its rejection of the task force's recommendations. Tom Hussain is a journalist and Pakistan affairs analyst based in Islamabad. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.Oct 12, · His foreign policy is not going to be designed to please the western sensibilities but serve the working classes of Pakistan – the two may not be in complete congruence; just as in many other countries shifting to right-wing nationalism.
May 02, · As Pakistan negotiates with a critical moment of its year-old existence, there is nothing more urgent than to review its foreign policy goals and the assumptions that define them.
Pande would argue that such feelings explain Pakistan’s foreign policy relations; whether Pakistan allied with the US in the Cold War or after 9/11 — India was the only variable. China, which has border disputes with India, is a more natural ally to Pakistan.
Pakistan’s Foreign Policy – Trump’s policy review on Afghanistan was completed after the Fourth Edition of Abdul Sattar’s book had been published.
In this context, foreign policy is an essential element of interstate relations. The success of a states’ foreign policy is measured via the state’s ability to assert itself and promote its interests, in line with the structural consistency within the international system.
The prime minister visited Foreign Office today where got his first briefing on challenges and opportunities available to the country as the new government fully takes charge.